Up against the wall: Sanmiguelenses speak out about the border
By Jesús Ibarra May 26, 2006 (A bilingual report)

As discussion about bolstering border defenses between the United States and Mexico intensifies, especially regarding building a wall between the two countries and installing National Guard troops, Atención went out into the streets of San Miguel to solicit the opinions of Mexican and US citizens about this issue that affects all of us.

Puesto que la controversia acerca del refuerzo de defensas en la frontera de Estados Unidos y México se ha intensificado, sobre todo en lo que respecta a la construcción del muro fronterizo y la instalación de tropas de la Guardia Nacional, Atención salió a las calles de San Miguel para solicitar la opinión de ciudadanos, tanto mexicanos como estadounidenses, sobre este tema que nos afecta a todos.

Christopher Finkelstein, Director of the Department of Tourism, Economic Development and International Relations.

This is a very thorny subject. I am not quite sure if it should be called a militarization or not, because the role of the National Guard at the border is not quite clear. Such measures only assist migration authorities. But one can do at home what one pleases.

While immigrants' human rights are respected, Americans can do whatever they want inside their country; if not, where is the principle of sovereignty? The only way to stop immigration is to increase job opportunities in Mexico, with better salaries and economic stability. Not all people go to the US only for economic reasons; for some, it is a family tradition-they go like their parents and grandparents went.

Christopher Finkelstein, Director de Turismo, Fomento Económico y Relaciones Internacionales.

Es un tema muy espinoso. No estoy seguro si se le deba llamar militarización o no, puesto que el papel de la Guardia Nacional en la frontera no está muy claro. Hasta donde yo sé, sólo será una ayuda para las autoridades migratorias, pero no habrá ningún tipo de represión. Pero cada uno puede hacer en su casa lo que quiera. Mientras se respeten los derechos de los inmigrantes, los norteamericanos pueden hacer lo que quieran dentro de su país; si no fuera así, ¿dónde quedaría el principio de soberanía? De cualquier forma esto no detendrá la inmigración. Sólo se detendrá cuando en este país haya más oportunidades de trabajo, más estabilidad económica y social. También es un problema cultural. No todos se van a trabajar a Estados Unidos por cuestiones económicas. Muchos lo hacen simplemente por tradición, porque sus padres y abuelos se han ido y ellos también deben irse.

Gerardo Sierra, journalist

Benito Juárez once said: "Respecting the rights of others is peace." Americans are in their own country and it's not for us to say what they do in it. I question what's behind their attitude. What is their real reasoning? I do not think it is only to prevent Mexican immigrants from crossing the border. There must be something more. Maybe they are afraid of what may happen after the Mexican presidential elections on July 2, and they are taking preventive measures. Or maybe they are trying to pressure Mexico to increase measures against drug trafficking, making it more difficult to transport drugs across the border.

Gerardo Sierra, periodista 

Benito Juárez dijo: "El respeto al derecho ajeno es la paz". Los americanos pueden hacer lo que sea en su país y nosotros no podemos objetar lo que ellos hagan dentro de él. Antes de dar cualquier opinión o atacarlos me gustaría hacer una reflexión. ¿Qué hay detrás de esa actitud? ¿Cuál es su verdadera razón? No creo que la única razón para apostar 6000 guardias en la frontera sea solamente evitar la inmigración. Debe de haber algo más. Quizás los norteamericanos teman lo que pueda ocurrir después de las elecciones en México el 2 de julio y estén tomando precauciones. O quizás sea una manera de ejercer presión para que México redoble esfuerzos en la lucha contra el narcotráfico, puesto que ahora será mas difícil que la droga cruce la frontera.

Juan Carlos Sánchez, 29, car washer

I think this is bullshit. If it was hard before, now it is worse, and many of us need to go in search of better work. Anyway, I would risk it and try to cross again.

Juan Carlos Sánchez, 29, lavacoches

Pienso que esto es una fregadera. Si antes era difícil ahora será peor, y muchos de nosotros necesitamos irnos en busca de mejores oportunidades de trabajo. De cualquier forma me voy a arriesgar y trataré de cruzar nuevamente. Ya he estado allá antes, duré dos años trabajando en la construcción.

César Arias, director of El Charco del Ingenio Botanical Garden

Bringing the National Guard to the border and authorizing the building of the wall are not only logistical measures but brutal measures of repression taken by Bush to please his supporters. The attitude of the Mexican government is regrettable. This measure will severely affect our state and our city, since Guanajuato has one of highest numbers of immigrants in the US. 

César Arias, director del jardín botánico de El Charco del Ingenio

El haber apostado la Guardia Nacional en la frontera y haber autorizado la construcción del muro no son sólo medidas de logística, sino medidas brutales de represión, que están siendo tomadas por Bush para complacer a los grupos radicales que las apoyan. La actitud del gobierno mexicano es lamentable. Esta medida afectará severamente a nuestro estado y a nuestra ciudad ya que Guanajuato es uno de los estados con mayor número de inmigrantes en los Estados Unidos.


Raquel Matehuala, 62, merchant 

I know little about it, but I believe it is regrettable. We are neighbors, and they should not take such measures against us. I feel bad when I hear of any Mexican killed in the US. Why do we Mexicans allow them to come to our country and treat them politely, and they instead treat us like that?

Raquel Matehuala, 62 años, comerciante

Estoy poco enterada del asunto, pero pienso que es lamentable. Somos vecinos y no deberían tomar tales medidas en nuestra contra. Me da tristeza cuando oigo que mataron a algún mexicano en los Estados Unidos. ¿Por qué permitimos que los norteamericanos vengan a nuestro país y los tratamos amablemente y en cambio ellos nos tratan así?


Fernando Montiel, 24, mechanic

It will be harder for Mexicans to cross the border. I think it is not fair. I have been there on three different occasions, working as a mechanic, and I was badly treated by some people. My brother was caught by the border patrol and he was hit on the head by an officer. I would not take the risk again.

Fernando Montiel, 24 años, mecánico

Ahora será más difícil para los mexicanos cruzar la frontera. Pienso que no es justo. He estado allá en tres diferentes ocasiones, trabajando como mecánico, y recibí malos tratos por parte de algunos norteamericanos. Mi hermano fue atrapado por la patrulla fronteriza y fue golpeado en la cabeza. No me arriesgaré más. Como quiera, ya tengo mi propio taller aquí en San Miguel.


Consuelo Pérez, 70, housewife

I believe that Americans can do whatever they want in their country. But I ask myself, With which workers are they going to build the wall? Are they going to hire Mexican immigrants for that job?

Consuelo Pérez, 70 años, ama de casa

Creo que los norteamericanos pueden hacer lo que quieran en su país. Pero me pregunto, ¿Con qué trabajadores construirán el muro? ¿A caso contratarán inmigrantes mexicanos?

Nayelli Díaz, 19, University student 

I think that we Mexicans would find another way to cross, one way or other, but we will keep on crossing. My boyfriend is in the US and I fear for him.

Nayelli Díaz, 19 años, estudiante universitaria

Pienso que los migrantes mexicanos encontrarán otra manera de cruzar. De una manera o de otra, pero seguirán cruzando. Me preocupa mi novio que está en Estados Unidos.

Enrique Pérez, 60, tourist from Torreón

I do not support the idea, but I agree that if Americans do not want us in their country, we should respect them. We do not want them to treat Mexican immigrants badly, but we do the same with immigrants from Central America in our country. 

Enrique Pérez, 60 años, turista de Torreón

No apoyo la idea , pero estoy de acuerdo. Si los norteamericanos no nos quieren en su país, debemos de respetarlos. No queremos que traten a los migrantes mexicanos mal, pero nosotros hacemos lo mismo con los centroamericanos que están en nuestro país.

Juan Ángel Ramírez, 33, fruit and vegetable vendor 

I believe it is not good for them or for us. We do not deserve that kind of measure, since we give them our work. I've been a cashier in a restaurant, but never was badly treated.

Juan Ángel Ramírez, 33 años, vendedor de frutas y verduras

Creo que no es bueno ni para ellos ni para nosotros. No merecemos esa clase de medidas, puesto que les estamos dando nuestro trabajo. Yo trabajé como cajero en un restaurante, y nunca recibí ningún mal trato por parte de los norteamericanos.

Jorge Téllez, 38, butcher

I believe Americans have the right to do what they please in their territory, and whatever we say would not change that. They must have their own reasons. 

Jorge Téllez, 38 años, carnicero

Creo que los norteamericanos pueden hacer lo que les plazca en su territorio, y lo que podamos decir no lo va a impedir. Deben tener sus propias razones.

Sandra Galicia, flower seller

We should forbid gringos from coming into Mexico, just as they do with us. Mexico is a mediocre country for allowing this kind of thing to happen.

Sandra Galicia, vendedora de flores

Deberíamos de prohibir a los gringos que vengan a México, así como ellos lo hacen con nosotoros. Considero a México un país mediocre por permitir esto.

Ana María Sánchez, 44, merchant

They are not doing well. They know we Mexicans and other Latinos do the hardest jobs gringos would never do. Here in San Miguel, there are plenty of gringos, and we treat them politely. They should do the same with Mexicans.


Ana María Sánchez, 44 años, comerciante

No están haciendo bien. Saben que los mexicanos y otros latinos hacen los trabajos más duros que los gringos jamás harían. Aquí en San Miguel hay muchos gringos y los tratamos con amabilidad. Ellos deberían hacer lo mismo con los mexicanos.

José Villalobos, 52, merchant

We are coming back to the Berlin wall. It is indeed the wall of shame. Six thousand soldiers is a whole army; it is terrifying. 

José Villalobos, 52 años, comerciante

Estamos regresando al muro de Berlín. Efectivamente es el muro de la vergüenza. Seis mil soldados es un ejército completo, es para dar miedo.

Christine Weaths 

It's terrible. It is a militarization and it is kind of embarrassing. 

Christine Weaths

Es terrible. Es una militarización y es una vergüenza.

Charlie Moore 

I'm not very well informed, but I'd probably be against it because Bush is for it and he is an idiot.

Charlie Moore

No estoy muy informado al respecto, pero probablemente esté yo en contra, puesto que Bush lo favorece y es un idiota.

Kokila Byrne

It infuriates me. It's terrible. I used to teach Mexican children in California, and I loved to teach them, they are so intelligent and their parents are so interested in their children's studies. They are very good people. I believe there should be an open exchange between Mexico and the United States.

Kokila Byrne

Es algo que me enfurece. Es terrible. Yo enseñaba niños mexicanos en California, y me encantaba hacerlo. Son tan inteligentes y sus padres están tan interesados en su educación. Creo que debe haber un intercambio abierto entre México y Estados Unidos.


John Perkins 

It's a ridiculous policy to militarize the border because our countries are friends.

John Perkins 

Es una política ridícula el militarizar la frontera puesto que nuestros países son amigos.

Hugo Chavez: Latin Robin Hood or Fidel's Clone?
By John Barham

On record as referring to George W. Bush as a "pendejo" (dummy), a "burro" (donkey), a "cobarde" (coward), a "genocide" (perpetrator of genocide), an "asesino" (assassin) and a "borracho" (drunkard), Hugo Chavez of Venezuela has drawn much attention to his country's Bolivarian Revolution, a grassroots political movement emphasizing the fair distribution of national proceeds from oil revenues, self-sufficiency in food and basic consumer goods, free and open elections and the removal of dishonest practices and politicians from the nation's political life.

At the end of last year, Chavez made headlines by extending aid to the victims of Hurricane Katrina in the southern United States. Treating the offer as a public relations ploy, Chavez was turned down by the Bush administration. 
Based on estimated oil reserves of 250 billion barrels, Chavez has the financial clout to make the influence of Venezuela felt throughout the Western Hemisphere.

With an order for 36 oil tankers, Venezuela last month announced that it was spending 3 billion dollars that would create up to 10,000 jobs in Brazil. Holding 2.5 billion dollars worth of Argentine bonds, Venezuela is now the largest creditor for Argentine debt, exceeding even the International Monetary Fund. Working closely with Brazil and Argentina, Venezuela has entered into an agreement to construct a pipeline that will transport Venezuelan natural gas throughout South America. And, while the Bush administration has recommended a cut of 25% from this year's US $1.2 billion in aid to Latin America, Hugo Chavez is offering almost US $4 billion annually to the region.

Chavez has struck a sympathetic chord with many Latin Americans who have not been impressed with the economic progress coming out of free-trade pacts with the United States. While diplomats in Washington have railed against Venezuela's flexing its financial muscle in the area, admirers of Chavez are quick to note that the US has thrown its weight around Latin America for generations. In other words, this may be a case of the pot calling the kettle black. At any rate, say Venezuelans, while George W.'s approval rating has fallen to 34% at home, Chavez enjoys an approval score of more than 80% on his home turf.

Nevertheless, Chavez has drawn some Latin American fire. For example, Carlos Fuentes, Mexico's renowned essayist, novelist, diplomat and scholar, and one who has on occasion been critical of American foreign policy, has referred to Chavez as a "tropical Mussolini," who has irrationally attacked the US while not working to diversify the almost totally oil-dependent Venezuelan economy.

Deeply disturbing, says Steven Dudley in the Charlotte Observer, have been Chavez's efforts to reach out to what have been considered renegade regimes, such as those in Iran, Libya, Syria and the Hamas administration in Palestine.
With contracts for tractors, oil, cement, ships, auto parts and perhaps even nuclear energy, diplomatic delegations journeying between Caracas and Tehran have been much more frequent of late. The two countries have even reached an agreement for a US $200-million fund for joint projects of a social and economic nature.

US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, earlier in the year, called attention to the growing ties between Iran and Venezuela and has warned that economic and social attachments could develop into military linkages of an extremely perilous nature.

With a response characterized by intemperate language, Chavez lambasted Rice by stating, "Don't mess with me, girl." Chavez went on to accuse the US of actively encouraging reactionary elements in Venezuela that would undermine the Bolivarian Revolution and destabilize Venezuelan society. In a national radio and television address, Chavez warned that, if need be, he was more than willing to suspend shipments of Venezuelan oil to the US and, if the US dared to invade Venezuela, US forces would find oil fields ablaze and pipelines destroyed.

Critics of Chavez who have visited Venezuela point out that not all is rosy with the Bolivarian Revolution. Despite claims to the contrary, the overall living standard of the Venezuelan people has not appreciably improved, and pledges of the regime to rectify inequities in land distribution and to deal with major labor grievances have gone unfulfilled. Furthermore, various international organizations, including Amnesty International, suspect that Chavez's government is guilty of major human rights violations, including the torture and imprisonment of political opponents. 

Despite disapproval emanating from Washington, Latin American governments do not seem to judge Chavez negatively. And, furthermore, there appears to be no indication that Chavez is bent on destabilizing the governments of his neighbors.

From my perspective, the verdict is still out on Hugo Chavez. If he is, indeed, a thorn in the side of Washington, it is likely that the thorn is one of Washington's own making. The decades of pushing free-market ideas and globalization have resulted in little or no economic progress in Latin America. At the same time, the Bush administration has shown itself little disposed to change its course and move toward more innovative regional solutions. With this in mind, it is little wonder that Latin America is now increasingly populated by leftist political figures like Hugo Chavez who play to the despair and economic plight of their people. 

John Barham, who has been visiting San Miguel de Allende for more than 18 years, has enjoyed a career in higher education as an instructor and an administrator that has taken him to Alabama, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Texas, New York and Missouri.