The rich to Miami, the government to jail
Text and photos by Ove Mikal Pedersen© (May 19, 2006)

The scheduled march in sympathy for alien worker rights in the United States was, of course, only a mere part of a campaign that in a matter of days turned into a small war involving left-wing extremists and government police.


Women and men from the organization "400 Pueblos" protest, barely dressed, at the statue of Tetlepanquetzal

It is the first of May in Mexico City. Subcommandante Marcos and the EZLN have announced a demonstration starting in front of the American embassy. In support of the marching immigrants in the US, the left-wing movement has, in an assembled effort, encouraged a day without consumption of US-based products. Subcommandante Marcos is scheduled to appear at noon to declare his support for the illegal workers, but more importantly to speak of what now is known as "the other campaign." As I approach the area, hundreds of police appear to be surrounding the streets. Left-wing activists are present from all sorts of different organizations. It is a gathering of students, teachers, farmers, punks, hookers, lower- and higher-working-class workers that meets me. Family members of illegal aliens march and shout as I get closer. It is an impressive and strong sight. A few blocks away, I talk to a small family living in a tent on the boardwalk in the embassy quarter. 

Diana Martinez Dueñas claims to have lived in this tent in protest for almost a year. Dueñas further claims to have evidence that the PGR abducted and tortured her brother in 2001. Five years later she still doesn't know his whereabouts.

Diana Martinez Dueñas marched to spread the word about her brother, whom she claims was abducted and tortured by the PGR.

"I traced the order for his arrest to the central office here in Mexico City. I have sold my house and car to finance the investigation, but my brother is still lost. My only hope now is that with a change of government he will be released," says Dueñas.

I leave her to join the march against the governments of Vicente Fox and George Bush.

Dueñas leaves me with the proof that very little of this march is a protest against the US; more importantly, it is a general assembly of people who disagree with the existing political system. 


Struggle against capitalism

At 11:30 the supporters of the EZLN are starting to form their lines. Among parolees and sculptures of crucified farmers, I find a sculpture of President Fox seated in a sexual position on top of an erect male organ painted with the stars and stripes. The message is clear.

As subcommandante Marcos enters the stage, the thousands of gatherers go wild. 

Marcos gives a brief speech on his disagreement with US politics and quickly moves on to declare his support of whichever nations have been oppressed by the US and the capitalist system. The established political bonds between the governments of Fox and Bush are not popular with the crowd.

"The EZLN will no longer just fight for the rights of Indians in Chiapas, but for all indigenous people across the world and against all oppressive systems. This is integrated in what we have chosen to call 'the other campaign,'" declared Marcos from the roof of a small bus.

After a half-hour speech, the procession starts moving through the streets toward el Zocalo. 

The popularity of Marcos and the EZLN seems to have lost support since the enormous march in 2001, but still an impressive number of people surround the marching commander. Closest to him, with machetes raised, walk members of the FPDT (Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra). This organization has close bonds to the EZLN, and its members served as Marcos's protectors during his appearances in Mexico City.


"Until death if necessary"

In front of the monument of Tetlepanquetzal, another organization has used the opportunity to expose themselves, literally speaking. From the organization "400 Pueblos" appear 10 nude women, standing on top of garbage cans. Surrounding them are members of the international press, and in the surrounding streets men in their underwear shout slogans against president Fox. "This government has left the people nude," they shout through megaphones. 

Two hours later, the march ends peacefully in the Zocalo of Mexico City. Various speakers from left-wing organizations enter the stage and talk to the crowds in the Zocalo. Among the speakers is Ignacio del Valle, leader of the FPDT, now under arrest and held in a high-security prison.

"Viva Zapata! If Zapata was alive, he would be here among us," the crowd chants.

Taking up the word, subcommandante Marcos declares war on the existing government.

The organization Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra served as Marcos's lifeguards during his public appearances; later, this organization warred against police in the town of San Salvador Atenco.

"The Zapatistas usually keep their word, and what we declare now is that the people will take over, we will open the prisons to release our abducted, and maintain the gates open long enough for the existing government to get in, because that's where they should be. The rich in this country who support this system, we shall send to Miami, where they belong. I have a message from the mountains of Chiapas: 'Until death if necessary.' The organizations I have talked to on my tour of this country have all declared the same-until death if necessary, " Marcos declared.

With the playing of the anthem of the Zapatistas and the national anthem, the meeting is over and a shower of rain chases the audience to cover.


"The other campaign"

The second of May I find myself standing in front of the library of UNAM, Mexico's largest university. Students grab their positions in front of the stage hours before the scheduled appearance of the EZLN and the presentation of "the other campaign." Bands, actors and singers take the stage before the meeting achieves its apex. Speakers from various student organizations use the opportunity to express their points of view on the politics of the university. When the representatives from the EZLN finally arrive, the university field is packed. Surrounded by students in a human chain and security from the FPDT, Marcos and other members of "the other campaign" enter the stage. A female representative from the FPDT delivers her disturbing news to the students.

"After the various demonstrations yesterday, seven people were arrested in Oaxaca. Two members of the campaign returned to their houses yesterday and found their properties destroyed. We believe this is part of the government's tactics of fear," exclaims the young woman with a machete in her hand.

The students receive Marcos with a roaring cheer: "From north to south, from east to west, we will win this fight, whatever the prize may be."

Marcos gives a speech similar to the one he gave the day before but includes a strong accusation directed at the leaders of the university.

"We are not here to ask for help, but to give a clear message to be aware of what is happening on the right wing. The leaders of this university are using educational funds to finance an election campaign in 2012, because when this year's elections are through, they will start their work. We are here to give the message that in 2012 there will be no elections. In a short matter of time a new movement will arise, a movement unlike any in the nation's history, a movement we call "the other campaign," a movement from the underground of the left wing," declares Marcos. I left the university as students, teachers and members of the press scattered toward the campaign posts, their houses and their editing posts.

Subcommandante Marcos represented EZLN on a tour of the country and concluded his trip in Mexico City; the commander has now stated he will stay in the capital until the problems in San Salvador Atenco have been resolved

Postlude

On May 3 the drama that made national and international news starts. Police enter the town of San Salvador Atenco, home of the organization FPDT. As police try to arrest eight flower sellers for unclear reasons, the people rebel, using machetes, Molotov cocktails and rocks. Policemen are taken hostage in the hope the flower sellers will remain free. A small war is fought the following day and night. A 14-year-old boy dies in the fights, and national TV and press present images from the events. A cameraman from the Televisa channel is beaten up by the police as he tries to film the arrest of leader Ignacio del Valle and 30 other members of the FPDT. Subcommandante Marcos receives the news during a meeting and declares a red alert among the EZLN forces.

In general, it's a war between the citizens supporting the campaign and the immense police forces.

At 8am, the fourth of May, more than a thousand policemen and policewomen finally manage to enter the town using teargas. 

Over 200 people are placed under arrest, and the news spreads around the world. 

A personal view

I feel a strange sensation watching the news, because of the unclear statements in the media from both sides. The real truth of what caused the events seems blurry in the press, as if nobody wants to speak of the reasons for what happened. I still sit here with a worried feeling. What I have witnessed personally and in the media shows the deep anger of a people disgusted with the existing government, a group of people who are ready to undertake a war with their bare hands. I see the police and the government dealing with this anger with violence and a hard hand. This country has seen a revolution every 100 years, and 2010 is drawing close. It might be the time for all parties to sit down and discuss matters, and actually put their words into action afterward.

Ove Mikal Pedersen is a 25-year-old Norwegian who has relocated to San Miguel de Allende.


An Earlier 9/11: September 11, 1973
By John Barham
I don't see why we should stand by and watch a country go communist, due to the irresponsible actions of its own people. The issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves. 
Henry Kissinger, US Secretary of State, 1973-1977

Not a nut or a bolt shall reach Chile under Allende. Once Allende comes to power, we shall do all within our power to condemn Chile and all Chileans to utmost deprivation and poverty.
Edward M. Korry, US Ambassador to Chile, 1967-1971

Recently, while reading about Michelle Bachelet, Chile's newly elected president who was imprisoned and tortured during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, I was reminded of a 9/11 that occurred 33 years ago, on September 11, 1973.

In 1970, in a free and open election, Chileans voted into office a socialist government under Salvador Allende Gossens. Allende's government, beset by right-wing opposition and undermined by the CIA, was marked by turbulent politics, sky-rocketing inflation and a declining gross national product.

During 1971, Cuba's Fidel Castro came to Chile for a month-long visit, during which he openly collaborated in governmental affairs with Chile's new president. The visit only underscored what many of Allende's critics were saying: Chile's socialism was merely a way-station on the road to Cuban-style communism.

Meanwhile, Chile's left-wing Christian Democratic Party began a sudden move to the right and opposed Allende at every turn in the Chilean Congress. Eventually, the Christian Democrats would join forces with the right-wing National Party to bring about a deadlocked government.

With Kennecott, Anaconda and other American corporations deeply invested in the Chilean economy, President Richard Nixon authorized the CIA to undertake actions designed to destabilize Allende's government, including lending support to economically devastating strikes and conveying "laundered" funds to Allende's political enemies in the Congress.

By 1973, runaway inflation exceeding 500%, accompanied by shortages of food and basic consumer goods, had resulted in disorder and confusion in Chilean society.

In August of the same year, in a move to placate the Chilean armed forces, Allende named General Augusto Pinochet commander-in-chief of the army. It was a move that would have tragic consequences for Allende. On September 11, 1973, General Pinochet, aided and abetted by the CIA, staged a coup that would end in Allende's death at La Moneda, the presidential palace in Santiago. Shortly thereafter, a right-wing dictatorship under Pinochet was established; it would come to take the lives of more than 3,000 Chileans. The iron-fisted general ruled Chile for 17 years.

Three years after the coup in which Allende died, during an odyssey through South America with a professor friend who was collecting material for a book, I spent three weeks in Chile. Arriving late at night in Santiago, I walked to La Moneda, where I saw first-hand the pock-marked presidential palace, scarred by the shelling that had taken place three years previously during the coup. Not realizing that the city was still under a curfew, I was taken aback when I was confronted by a soldier wielding a semi-automatic weapon who summarily ordered me off the street and back to my hotel.

During my three-week stay in Chile, the sense of repression was more than palpable; and, after three days during which my friend was busily interviewing Chileans, we noticed that certain individuals seemed to appear at virtually all of our stops. Eventually, we were informed by a Chilean dissident that we were being trailed by agents of DINA, the infamous Chilean secret police.

Although I found Chile to be a beautiful country with gracious people, outstanding wines and good food, I was, after being grilled by police at the airport, exceedingly happy to depart. Later, after viewing the movie Missing, I was even more grateful that I had been able to leave Chile when I did.

During the rest of the 1970s and into the 1980s, Pinochet's government cooperated with other right-wing regimes in South America in the CIA- and State Department-sponsored "Operation Condor," a top-secret program that saw Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay join with Chile in common efforts to imprison, torture and execute their perceived opponents. These so-called dirty wars produced thousands of desaparecidos ("disappeared ones") who, to this day, have never been accounted for. In this context, it is sobering to note that the crimes of this cabal of right-wing thugs probably far surpassed those of George W's "Axis of Evil."

Now at 91 years of age and suffering from "vascular dementia," the old general has lived to see his DINA henchmen called to account for their innumerable crimes against humanity.

Earlier this year, a Chilean court deprived Pinochet of his legal immunity in order to begin the process that would prosecute him for a DINA-run torture center, where President Michelle Bachelet and her mother were confined in the 1970s, after Bachelet's father, an air force general, died from the torture he received at the hands of Pinochet's bully-boys.

At the end of last year, a Santiago appeals court announced that prosecution of Pinochet, his wife, daughter and one of his sons would be undertaken on charges of fraud involving millions of dollars of cash and stocks and bonds lodged in 125 secret accounts in the US.

These charges have tarnished Pinochet's reputation among many of his supporters who, in the past, have claimed that the regime's free-market economic policies, put into play by Milton Friedman's "Chicago boys," ushered in an unparalleled period of prosperity in Chile. Chile's IRS has also let it be known that it is seeking an amount equivalent to US $880,000 from the Pinochet clan in back taxes for the sums secretly salted away.

Perhaps the shrill voices of Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Ollanta Humala of Peru are motivated in part by memories of the roles played by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger in the rise to power of one of the most brutal dictatorships in the history of Latin America. And, with the "chicken hawk" macho-diplomacy of George W. and Dick Cheney, those recollections are undoubtedly strongly reinforced.

Now, 33 years later, as populist/socialist governments are proliferating throughout Latin America, one can only hope that appropriate lessons have been learned from the human tragedies spawned by 9/11/73. Interventions on behalf of corporate conglomerates with no loyalties except to their boardrooms and to the bottom line do not bode well for the people of the nations trifled with. Neither do they stand in good stead the good name and the diplomacy of a great power like the US.


John Barham, who has been visiting San Miguel de Allende for more that 18 years, has had a long career as a professor and administrator in colleges and universities in Alabama, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Texas, New York and Missouri. He may be reached at barhamj@missouri.edu.