Last week I wrote about tomorrow afternoon's charreada and the other events taking place at Karla Lorch's and Alfonso Butrón's Rancho Potrero de San José in Atotonilco. I ran out of room before I could discuss the history of the charreada and the significance of its events.

The charreada originated in 16th-century Spain and was brought to Mexico during the time of Hernán Cortés. An entertaining display of the skills and styles of working cowboys, the charreada was also a way for hacienda owners to prepare horses and riders for battle. Charros achieved distinction in Mexico's 1810 War of Independence from Spain and during the 1910 Mexican Revolution. They were strong leaders who had the ability to rally men into armies, and the charros used their skills in riding and roping to overpower their adversaries. Mexican revolutionary leader Emiliano Zapata was one of the most famous charros. For decades charros served as a kind of reserve unit or militia that could be called on in times of national emergency. Theoretically, they still could be, which is why charros-along with only soldiers and certain police-are licensed to carry handguns, although they must be in full dress to do so. Charros are honored throughout Mexico on el Día del Charro, September 14, and participate on a grand sc
ale in September's Fiestas Patrias (independence celebrations).

The Asociación Nacional de Charros, formed in 1921, strictly governs all things charreada, dictating everything from how each event is executed to what constitutes appropriate charro livery. The word charro translates as "flashy," an apt description for the traje (traditional dress) worn by charros and for many of the skills they display. The charreada begins with an impressive desfile (parade), during which the teams enter the lienzo (arena) and make the charro salute. The nine competitive events that follow are:

Unlike western rodeo as we know it in the United States, in which the events involve skill and speed, most events in a charreada are not timed. The charro tradition is not only about skill, but also about the beauty and grace of the movements. Roping techniques must be exactingly executed yet also be smooth and elegant. A charro, whether in full dress or not, is expected to exhibit an honorable code of ethics.

When I interviewed Karla to learn more about the event, I realized the charreada is much more than just a sport-it's a way of life. I wanted to know how Karla and her husband, Alfonso, became involved in this. Karla, the daughter of a shrimp fisherman, was born and raised near New Orleans, Louisiana. She began spending summers in Mexico from the time she was five and has lived here permanently for more than 20 years. She began riding horses at a young age, and was certified as a charra at age 14. She rides sidesaddle and is trained in escaramuza (literally, "skirmish"; also the name of the women's sidesaddle precision riding portion of the charreada). Many San Miguel old-timers will remember Karla's first Louisiana Restaurant, which was located on calle Cinco de Mayo for five years. The reincarnated Louisiana Restaurant opened at Rancho Potrero de San José (St. Joseph's Paddock) last May. Alfonso ("Poncho") grew up in Coyoacán, outside of Mexico City, and is an architect. He, too, has been riding all his life 
(Karla calls him her "Concrete Cowboy"). Poncho's father, Alfonso Héctor Butron, now deceased, was an engineer and a charro, and their lienzo is named for him. Poncho's mother, Alicia, also now deceased, is the inspiration for this particular event, La Fiesta de las Alicias (Celebration of the Alicias).

Apparently, charro-ness or charro-hood runs in families, and skill and tradition are passed from father to son. Poncho previously rode with Charros San Miguel. Two years ago he and Karla built the lienzo on their ranch. Along with other charros, they formed Charros del Santuario de Atotonilco and applied for official licensure.

1. Cala de Caballo (test of the horse): The charro puts his horse though specific exercises, demonstrating his skill and the horse's training.

2. Piales en Lienzo (roping of the feet): The charro must throw a lariat and catch a wild mare by the hind legs.

3. Coleadero (tail pulling): The charro rides along the left side of the bull, wraps its tail around his right leg, and causes the bull to fall and roll as he rides past it.

4. Jineteo de Toro (bull riding): Bulls are ridden until they stop bucking. The charro may not fall off; he must dismount and land upright.

5. Terna en el Ruedo (team of three): Two charros rope a bull, one by its neck and one by its hind legs, while the third charro ties its feet.

6. Jineteo de Yegua (bareback on a wild mare): A wild mare is ridden with a bullrope. Two hands are used and the charro's legs are held parallel to the ground.

7. Manganas a Pie (roping on foot): While a wild mare is chased around the ring by three mounted charros, a charro on foot has three opportunities to rope her by her front legs, causing her to fall and roll. Extra points are given for performing the tirón del ahorcado (hang man's pull), in which the charro wraps the rope around his neck and digs in his heels, using his body weight to bring the mare down.

8. Manganas a Caballo (roping from horseback): While a wild mare is chased around the ring by three mounted charros, a mounted charro has three tries to rope her by her front legs, causing her to fall and roll.

9. El Paso de la Muerte (the pass of death): Riding bareback with reins, a charro leaps from his horse to the bare back of an unreined wild mare and rides until she stops bucking. This is probably the most dangerous event of the entire charreada. While the charro is making the pass, the mare is being chased by three other mounted charros.

Charreada 
"La Fiesta de las Alicias" 
Saturday, March 4, 12:30pm
Rancho Potrero de San José
Atotonilco
50 pesos 
(1/2 price for kids under 10)
Info: 044-415-153-2863

Mexican politics and election 2006
By John Barham (Mar 3, 2006)

In looking back, historians will likely see the late 1980s and early 1990s as a turning point in Mexican politics. In Mexico City in 1989, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, along with several left-leaning politicians, founded the PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution). In 1995 in Guanajuato, the first non-PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) governor, Vicente Fox, took office. These events were the most significant in a string stretching from the 1960s that suggested that momentous change would alter the nature of Mexican politics. 

On July 2, 2006, Mexicans will go to the polls. In the process, voters will decide whether the developments of the late 20th century will continue to affect their country in the 21st century. To place this in perspective in terms of the present-day political landscape of Mexico, below is a brief history of the major political parties and an overview of the 2006 presidential contenders.

The PRI

Originally designated as the PNR (National Revolutionary Party), the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) dominated Mexican politics from 1929 to 2000. It was founded by President Plutarco Elías Calles as a means of forging unity and controlling political infighting among the military, labor groups, regional politicians and peasant organizations in post-revolutionary Mexico. Although he was officially out of power when his term of office ended in 1928, Calles continued to dominate the government and those occupying the presidential seat of power for several years. 

Although he gave the nod to the young governor of Michoacán, Lázaro Cárdenas, to ascend to the presidency in 1934, Calles was soon to discover that Cárdenas would be no puppet. During the remainder of the 1930s, Cárdenas asserted his independence as president and successfully remodeled the party in his own image. He renamed it the PRM (Party of the Mexican Revolution) in 1938.

Merging labor and peasant organizations, Cárdenas fostered a broad-based political movement that would eventually bring the political stability and peace so badly needed by Mexico. By 1946 during the administration of President Manuel Avila Camacho, the military was relegated to a back seat in the party apparatus, and the party itself was rechristened the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party), the name by which we know it today. 

In several ways, the PRI brings to mind (on a much larger scale, of course) American big-city political machines, inasmuch as corruption and extra-legal considerations nourished a self-perpetuating party apparatus that allowed advancement for party functionaries from top to bottom. 

By the 1960s and 1970s, the PRI began to show its age and to take on the characteristics of a semi-moribund institution, increasingly demonstrating itself incapable of arriving at innovative solutions for the many problems confronting a growing country whose population was rapidly approaching one hundred million.

During the administration of Miguel de la Madrid (1982-1988), the party attempted to reverse course and took a more pro-business, pro-capitalist approach to government. The result was a split in the PRI between its populist-leftist wing and the party leadership, which had veered to the right while bringing younger technocrats under its wing who were committed to developing a more competitive economy. Consequently, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, son of the late president and later a very popular head of government in the Federal District, broke with the party leadership and molded a leftist coalition that very nearly caused the PRI to lose the presidency in 1988.

Despite a questionable victory with 50.7 percent of the 1988 vote, Harvard-educated President Carlos Salinas de Gotari forged ahead with a program of privatization and less prominence for labor and peasant groups. Although his programs were initially hailed as an "economic miracle" for Mexico, by 1994 it was clear that the miracle had mainly been smoke and mirrors. With the Chiapas rebellion, the collapse of the peso, high-level assassinations and scandals, coupled with the institutional malaise of the PRI, the scene was set for the crucial PAN breakthrough of 2000 and the presidential victory of Vicente Fox.

In 2006, the PRI is pinning its hopes on regaining the presidency with candidate Roberto Madrazo, a former senator, deputy, governor of Tabasco and president of the PRI. Madrazo is credited with restoring stability to the PRI after its historic 2000 loss of the presidency. He is a graduate in law from UNAM and has studied urban planning at UCLA.



The PAN

The major challenge facing the PAN (National Action Party) in 2006 is to demonstrate that it is a viable political party, capable of once again capturing the presidency, or at the very least providing significant opposition to confirm itself as a permanent factor in the Mexican political equation.

During the early years after its founding in 1939 by the brilliant economist Manuel Gómez Morín, a trusted advisor in the Calles administration, the PAN was seen as a coalition of traditional Catholic and conservative interests seeking inclusion in the political process. During the 1980s and 1990s the party, in reaction to the ineptitude of the PRI, saw its political fortunes rise when Vicente Fox Quesada was elected the first non-PRI governor in Guanajuato in 1995 and later the first non-PRI president in 2000.

In terms of political philosophy, the PAN is on the Mexican right, taking a pro-business stance and advocating reducing the size of government and limiting its role in the economy.

At the time of his watershed victory in 2000, President Fox was hailed as one who would bring great change to Mexico. However, the political reality is such that the legislative branch of government is divided; 209 seats in the Chamber of Deputies belong to the PRI and 207 to the PAN. In the Senate, the PRI holds 60 seats and the PAN 47. Consequently, the Fox agenda has been frustrated on many fronts.

At the outset of his administration, President Fox enumerated the following as problem areas that would be tackled by his government: 1) the sociopolitical conflict in Chiapas; 2) the loss of jobs and industry to the Pacific Rim nations; 3) the stalemate over immigration with the United States; and 4) the absence of overall growth in the Mexican economy. With little or no progress in meeting these challenges and with significant losses in the midterm elections, it would appear that the PAN faces an uphill challenge in its battle to maintain its hold on the presidency.

A PAN mainstay, 43-year-old Felipe Calderón, has been chosen as the PAN standard-bearer for 2006. As a youngster, Calderón became a PAN activist in his native state of Michoacán, rising to the presidency of the party's youth wing in his early 20s. He has been the PAN candidate for the governorship of Michoacán and has served as the national head of the party. He has also served as a member of the Chamber of Deputies. Calderón possesses degrees in law and economics and a master's degree from the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard.



The PRD

The PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) came into being as a result of the disputed election of 1988, in which it was alleged that Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and the leftist coalition that backed him lost the presidency only after the PRI interfered with the balloting, allowing Carlos Salinas de Gotari to emerge as the victor. Cárdenas and several other center-left politicians officially proclaimed the party on May 5, 1989.

In the presidential election of 2000, Cárdenas placed third, garnering 16.6 percent of the popular vote. At last count, the PRD had 15 seats in the Senate and 95 in the Chamber of Deputies.

At 71 and still the moral voice of the PRD, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas' popularity has been eclipsed in the party by the former head of government for the Federal District, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, better known in the press as "AMLO."

Taking office in the Federal District in March of 2000, AMLO quickly achieved the image of a populist reformer, developing new programs for the poor, reducing corruption in the police force, restoring much of the historic portion of the central city, revamping high-use traffic routes and providing more benefits for the elderly.

Despite an obscure legal case having to do with expropriation of private land for the construction of a hospital and his subsequent loss of immunity from prosecution, AMLO has been widely popular among the citizens of Mexico City and has drawn support from throughout Mexico. In the spring of 2005, the attorney general announced that since AMLO bore the title of "head of government" and was not properly a mayor or governor, he could not be prosecuted. Also in 2005, AMLO resigned his office as head of government in the Federal District and prepared to make his run for the presidency. Despite his legal problems, AMLO is by all odds the frontrunner in the 2006 presidential race.



Key questions

The election of 2006 certainly bears watching, and the following key questions are likely to be answered: 1) Will the PRI be able to regain its dominant role in Mexican politics? 2) Will the PAN retain its strength on the national scene? 3) Will the PRD ride to presidential power on the popularity of AMLO? And, most importantly, will the harbingers of change of the late 20th century continue to play themselves out in the 21st?


John Barham, who has been visiting San Miguel de Allende for more than 18 years, has served as an associate professor of history, dean and provost in the State University of New York, the University of Texas at Brownsville, Jacksonville State University, and King Saud University (Saudi Arabia).